Background: Obesity is one of the important hygienic problems of both industrial and developing countries. Objective: To determine the prevalence of obesity in two groups of men and women. Methods: Through a cross- sectional study 12600 people from Isfahan, Najaf-Abad and Arak provinces were studied in Isfahan Healthy Heart Program (in 2000 - 2002). Two equal ratios of both sexes were selected using random - clustering sampling. A questionnaire consisting demographic formation and also clinical information such as weight, height, waist and hip circumference was filled out for each person. Findings: In this study 23/44 ± 1/9% of all studied women and 9/28 ± 1/7% of all studied men had BMI > 30 and 33/33±2/4% of women and 30/28 ± 20% of men had BMI >25. On the other hand 39/05 ± 2/61% of all women and 55/02 ± 2/73% of all men had normal BMI. This ratio was 43/25 ±3/5% and 34/9 ± 1/7% for rural and urban women respectively. Also the highest rate of waist and hip circumferences was seen in men aged > 66 years (94/2 ± 11/2% and 99/8± 8/9% respectively). While in women the highest rate of hip circumference is 104/22% ± 10/9% in age group 35-44 years and the highest rate of waist circumference is 98/00% ± 13% that was seen in 45-54 and 55- 64 years. Conclusion: Every program of nutrition and life style for all age groups should be done similarly in both sexes. The lack of difference of BMI in rural and urban areas was because of the fact that they did not live differently and just in Arak which mostly had a traditional context, a small difference was seen.

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In global healthcare systems, nurses are recognized as the main pillars of care, but their voices, despite their vital role, are often lost amidst a cacophony of loud silences. This silence does not signify tranquility, but rather reflects hidden pressures, unexpressed fears, and an imposed passivity in the face of structures that limit the freedom of expression. "Organizational silence, " a concept recognized for years in the fields of management and organizational psychology, has become a global crisis in nursing. According to a qualitative meta-synthesis, over 91% of nurses have experienced organizational silence at least once in their professional careers [1]. The causes of silence among nurses are multifaceted. Part of it stems from defensive silence, meaning a nurse refrains from speaking up before superiors or in hierarchical structures for fear of negative consequences. At other times, we encounter acquiescent silence, where the nurse believes that speaking out is futile and will not bring about any change. Previous experiences of having concerns ignored or autocratic leadership styles reinforce this feeling [1, 2]. Furthermore, in some cultures, such as Japan or Egypt, prioritizing group harmony over individual expression leads to the normalization of silence [3]. Silence is not just an individual reaction but a response to an inefficient work environment. Nurses who feel their voices are not heard eventually experience job burnout, decreased motivation, and ultimately, leave the profession [2, 3, 4]. In a study from Spain, half of the nurses surveyed had considered leaving the profession [3, 5]. Job burnout not only harms the nurse's mental health but also reduces the quality of patient care. Fatigue, reduced concentration, and impaired communication with patients increase the risk of clinical errors [1, 6]. This vicious cycle of silence and its consequences creates a downward spiral in healthcare organizations: Silence on staff or resource shortages → Increased stress and workload → Job burnout → Decreased quality of care → Intensified dissatisfaction → More silence. If nurses feel that their concerns are ignored even when expressed, silence becomes an adaptive strategy [4]. Meanwhile, the financial impact of nurse turnover is also significant. According to estimates, the turnover cost for a single nurse in the United States is over $44, 000, and hospitals lose an average of $3. 6 to $6. 1 million annually due to nurse turnover [7]. This substantial figure provides an economic incentive for systemic interventions to reduce silence and retain human resources. Solving this problem is not possible through individual training or psychological resilience alone. Although strengthening skills like professional assertiveness can be effective, it will not be sustainable without structural and cultural support [4]. Creating psychological safety in the workplace—where nurses can freely express their concerns without fear of punishment—is a vital starting point for change [6]. Leaders of healthcare organizations play a key role in shaping or dismantling a culture of silence. When managers interact with nurses with empathy, a listening ear, and responsiveness, trust is built, and the space for expression becomes safer. A transformational leadership style, participation in decision-making, and the creation of professional growth paths are among the most important factors in retaining nurses and reducing silence [8]. There is also a need for macro-level policymaking at national and international levels. Programs like the "Global Nursing Workforce, " which focuses on supporting the sustainability of the profession, can be effective in addressing the root causes of the problem [7]. Moreover, new guidelines from bodies such as The Joint Commission on preventing workplace violence (effective July 2024), which define requirements for reporting and accountability, can serve as models for combating silence on other issues as well [8]. Ultimately, organizational silence in nursing is not just a communication issue,it is an alarming indicator of the ethical, psychological, and systemic health of healthcare institutions. This phenomenon should be considered an "organizational vital sign. " The healthcare system has a duty not only to listen but to act. The voices of nurses must lead to decisions, policies, and structural reforms, so that their silence is no longer loud, but is transformed into an effective cry on the path to improvement.

This article based on a descriptive-analytical method and with a comparative approach Examines and present views, concerns and participation in criminal process as the right to be heard. Children do not report or express their views-concerns and non-participation in criminal process for various reasons. They do not receive legal protection, and suffer harm in the form of secondary victimization and recurrence of victimization. This article discusses the need for culture-building and public sensitization in recognizing the rights of child victims and reporting violations of these rights, the right to express and be heard to break children's silence, and to gain their trust in criminal justice system by facilitating the process. The ratification of the Convention on the rights of the Child in Iran is a positive step to identify and protect their rights. Using the experiences and practices of other member states to implement the convention can be useful and effective.

Introduction: Arbitration has a contractual nature and is subject to the sovereignty of the will of the parties, but in some cases, the legislator imposed the referral of claims to arbitration on the will of the parties and caused the contractual nature of the arbitration clause to disappear or be limited. By doing this, he has placed the arbitration outside the will of the parties. This issue causes some moral conflicts in the discussion of compulsory arbitration. Therefore, this research has been done with the purpose of examining the position of compulsory arbitration in Iran's legal system and the ethical challenges in it with a descriptive-analytical approach. Material and Methods: The research was a review method, in order to achieve the goal of the research, in addition to electronic education books and virtual education in this field, articles related to the research keywords from 2004 to 2022 from the databases of Civilica, Magiran, Sid, Researchgate, Science direct, was reviewed Conclusion: Based on the findings of the research, it can be concluded that compulsory arbitration in Iran has ethical challenges in the field of implementation and interpretation, the most important of which is the issue of the right to action and judicial justice. In the context of ambiguities in mandatory arbitration, even if the method of arbitration becomes ambiguous, the arbitrator has the duty to find out the will of the legislator with the principles and rules of interpretation, which creates a moral conflict for the arbitrator.

This paper presents the primary benefits digital storytelling affords teachers and students. Maximizing the multimodal authoring conditions for optimal online/offline learning comprises the paper’ s main focus. Throughout, it is asserted that stories worth telling are stories worth sharing but only if embedded in dialogic constructs supporting authentic pursuits. Practical considerations important to understanding digital storytelling and its manifold applications, along with classroom-tested recommendations for digital creations, are then presented, followed by seven pedagogical implications requiring a more focused treatment. It is concluded that students are indeed capable of transforming themselves from passive consumers of technology into active creators of digital compositions, one voice, one story at a time.

More than 70 years after official initiation of planning in Iran, the term and the profession of “, Planning”, , still premised as absolute, abstract, disciplinary, positive, undiscussable, needless of deliberation and reflectivity, while reviewing the intellectual changes of the issue, especially in US and Europe implies to the End of Positivistic-Technocratic Paradigm of planning and emergence of the new field of “, theory of planning”,in recent 50 years. Through qualitative meta analysis of the most important recently-published books and essays about planning and near fields like development and policy in Persian, this article shows that the blast of the collapse of rational-technocratic planning and emergence of “, theory of planning”,didn’, t reach to Iranian knowledge of planning yet. The only exception is discipline of “, Urban Planning”,which misunderstands the deep paradigm shift in “, theory of planning”,with new narrow changes in “, theories in urban planning area”, . In conclusion after sketching the overall horizon of alternative Non-Euclidian Mode of Planning and discussing some causes and contexts of this theoretical-historical lag from sociology of planning perspective, various strategic recommendations to compensate the regression is being presented.

The concept of child-friendly justice is the result of the development of the legal status of children under international human rights laws in recent decades; A concept that calls for a significant change in the way judicial systems interact with children. Child-friendly justice focuses on the effective participation of children in justice systems. And it embraces the idea that the courts can be a powerful tool to positively impact children's lives, while recognizing the fact that contact with the legal system is often more a source of additional harm than a cure for children. . Drawing on international child rights obligations, Child-Friendly Justice introduces principles that empower children to exercise their rights and encourages public authorities, courts and law enforcement to develop policies that address the precarious situation of children in the justice system. . In general, child-friendly justice aims to recognize the child as a holder of rights rather than the child merely being the object of special care and protection due to his or her particular vulnerability.

ABSTRACT right to the city is one of the most important citizenship rights that can be reduced for women under different circumstances. In this mixed research, with in-depth and semi-structured interviews, a conceptual model has been presented to explain the causal, contextual and interventional conditions effectively reducing women's right to the city. Then, with the structural equation modeling, the causal conditions affecting the right to the city have been investigated. Family, ethnicity, and physical and mental conditions were the most important background conditions that 32 women living in Ahvaz pointed to in order to influence the right to the city. Also, the participants considered politics and government institutions, law, and spatial policies as the most important intervention in the women's right to the city. City security, favorable actions with the city space, space-positive gender performance, and social welfare were among the most important causal conditions that the participants mentioned in increasing women's right to the city. Causal modeling showed that the most influential reason for reducing women's right to the city of Ahvaz is urban space security, followed by urban policies and designs. By multiplying the causal path, it is 0.84, followed by urban planning and design with a coefficient of 0.79. Governmental and executive institutions should pay more attention to women's right to the city through the establishment of better laws, the design of suitable spaces with individual differences, especially gender, and, of course, with an emphasis on women. The creation of safer places in the city for women while increasing the livability of the city for citizens improves women's rights in urban spaces Extended abstract Introduction The right to the city is a universal right consisting of several instances. Since the right to the city enables the city inhabitants to access and enjoy the urban life benefits freely, it is tantamount to the right to freedom. The right to the city, the right to freedom of building and rebuilding cities, is one of the most valuable and, at the same time, the most neglected human rights. Among governments, NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) and political activists in all scales, the right to the city is often conceived in a legal meaning. In this sense, the right to city includes a set of distinct rights to urban resources and services, shelter, public space, clean water, and education that must be available to all, regardless of social or economic status, the bearers of such rights are urban dwellers and their guarantor is the government. This legal conception of the right to the city emphasizes universal and individual rights in the global liberal institutional order. The ultimate normative purpose of a legal right to the city is that the government legally encodes and enforces the set of rights constituting the right to the city. Justice and equality have been considered since long ago; however, injustice and discrimination are still visible in cities. Among all kinds of injustices and discrimination, gender equality has been a subject marginalized in all ages. In Iran, the need for urban spaces for women in accordance with the civil needs of citizens in daily life is felt. In Iran, factors such as various types of urban violence and insecurity, which generally make women victims, have reduced the possibility and desire for their presence and participation in public. Because the spatial, temporal, official and unofficial divisions in the city have caused some spaces to remain far from the reach of women. In this research, we intend to deal with the most important factors that cause women not to enjoy one of their most essential human rights, which is the right to the city.   Methodology This research, which is practical in terms of purpose, has been done with a confirmatory mixed method; first, it tried to present the most important contextual, interventional, and causal factors effective in reducing the right to the city of women in the form of a conceptual model by the approach of grounded theory, and then confirming the defined causal structure with the help of structural equations modeling. The population in this research is Iranian women who are exposed to gender injustice and do not have the right to a desirable city. Research participants have a deep experience of undermining their right to the city and are interested in sharing it and cooperating with the researcher. Sampling was purposefully selected from women with the least amount of the right to the city. The qualitative sample of the research was 32 people, and the quantitative sample was 420 people. Due to the mixed nature of the research and the use of the data-driven theory approach and, afterwards, structural equations to collect the data, the interview was used in the qualitative phase and questionnaires in the quantitative phase. The interviews were done in-depth, face-to-face and semi-structured. The open-ended interview questions were conducted in a calm environment without the presence of a third person, and the time of the interviews varied according to the conditions of the interviewee. The questionnaire used in the research has ascertained an instrument that evaluates the contextual and causal components and factors related to the right to the city in the form of self-declaration items. The data obtained from the interview, after being implemented in the form of text, were analyzed and classified with the help of directed content analysis. In order to investigate the causal structure of the right to the city, structural equation modeling would have been helpful. Analyzes were performed with the help of LISREL 8.8. To estimate the causal path coefficients, the iterated maximum likelihood method was used and the overall fit of the causal structure model of women’s right to the city was carried out by Chi-square statistic. And, of course, the most important fit indexes of the model, such as absolute fit indexes, incremental fit indexes and Parsimonious Normed Fit Indexes (PNFI).   Results and discussion Directed content analysis helped us to identify the factors reducing the right to the city and its subclasses of Iranian women. Conditions affecting women's right to the city are divided into underlying conditions, causal conditions, and intervening conditions. The most critical underlying conditions were family, age, ethnicity, and physical and mental characteristics. At the same time, environment security, urban actions, social welfare, and space gender functions constituted the essential intervening conditions, and politics, governmental institutions, law, and city spatial policies included the most important intervening conditions. Causal modeling also showed that the factors influencing women's right to the city are the most influential to the least influential in the form of (1) security of the city environment, (2) urban policy-making, (3) gender function of space, and (4) interaction with the city. Security is one of the most important and influential factors that can decrease or increase the right to the city for women.   Conclusion The right to the city, which is considered one of the most fundamental rights of citizens, is trampled or reaches its lowest level due to underlying reasons such as the gender of individuals or their families. In this case, women are more vulnerable than the men. In such a way, causal conditions such as environmental security or urban actions and, of course, welfare have made this gender difference in the use of city space deeper and more complicated. Meanwhile, the role of governments and sovereignty in legislation and policies should not be neglected to reduce the right to city for women. Our explicit suggestion is for governmental institutions and executive agencies to pay more attention to women’s right to the city through the establishment of better laws, the design of more suitable spaces in the city, the design of urban spaces away from any gender discrimination only with the view of equal access for all and the creation of safer places for the women living in Ahvaz.   Funding There is no funding support.   Authors’ Contribution All of the authors approved the content of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work.   Conflict of Interest Authors declared no conflict of interest.   Acknowledgments We are grateful to all the scientific.